Analytical Framework IV

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Out staff of freelance writers includes over 120 experts proficient in Analytical Framework IV, therefore you can rest assured that your assignment will be handled by only top rated specialists. Order your Analytical Framework IV paper at affordable prices with cheap essay writing service! In Lynn Horton's book, Peasants in Arms War and Peace in the Mountains of Nicaragua, 17-14, she has identified the history and the events in the Nicaraguan community of Quilali from the ousting of the Somoza dictatorship by the Sandinistas, and the subsequent uprising of the anti-Sandista movement. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how the municipality and residents of Quilali were situated within the Nicaraguan Revolution and counter-revolution, within the various insurgencies that had surfaced. Additionally, I will identify, in terms of the dyads discussed for this course, how they apply or do not apply in the instance of this study.

Prior to any discussion regarding the revolution or counter-revolution and its various components, I feel it's essential to understand the culture of the Quilali region. It is important to understand the cultural values, expectations and political orientation of the people in this region as it will lend to a better understanding of some important driving forces for the mobilization of the populace. Additionally, some discussion of the location of Quilali and its terrain is of some importance and warrants some attention.

Horton has divided the populace of the Quilali region into four rural sectors large landowners (terratenientes), wealthy peasants (finqueros), middle peasants and poor peasants. The large landowners were regionally powerful and wealthy families who generally did not live in the municipality of Quilali and had foreman running their lands as their primary interests were outside of the Quilali area. These terratenientes, of which there were five, owned approximately 0% of the land in the region. Prior to the revolution they were supporters of the Somoza government. Finqueros, on the other hand, were long-term Quilali residents who were locally powerful. They owned nearly one third of the farmland and pastures and directly oversaw their farms. The distinguishing factor between terratenientes and finqueros was the deep community roots the finqueros had coupled with the roles they played in the political and social life of Quilali. Middle peasants owned smaller tracks of land outside of the town and relied on immediate or extended families and reciprocal labor agreements to work their land. These middle peasants were generally more self-sufficient than the poor peasants and had general agricultural tools to work the land. The poor peasants owned the smallest tracks of land, if any. In general terms they all had access to land either by squatting, renting or purchasing. These peasants were generally located in the northern or western mountain zones.

Of particular interest are the relationships between the above groups. As there was limited government involvement in the region of Quilali, relationships were formed between the groups in a paternal nature. If a poor peasant needed assistance or a loan he may seek assistance from a member of the middle peasants. Finqueros commonly offered loans or bought crops in advance to provide a cash source to the poorer peasants. This is not to say they did this with no benefits to themselves, interests on loans could be as high as five percent per month or crops that were paid for and not delivered could result in the forfeiture of land. All in all these relationships developed over a period of years and became the way of life for the residents of Quilali, where the rich needed the poor and the poor needed the rich. Outside of the terratenientes, the other residents of Quilali were not in touch with national political activities. This was a foreign concept to them in general as it had no impact on their lives on a day-to-day basis prior to the revolution. Land was of primary importance to all in the region as most families relied on their crops to sustain them throughout the year. Up until and throughout the revolution land became increasingly difficult to get and would play a significant role throughout the revolution and counter-revolution activities. Survival would be difficult for any peasant that did not have access to land to work.

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Quiali is located in the Northeast of Nicaragua. Horton has divided the Quilali region into three distinct areas the town of Quilali, the Southeastern section of the municipality, and the northern and western sections of the municipality. These three geographic locations would become significant in its own way throughout the revolution. As we will see, the Sandinsista government would be able to establish some form of control over the town and the Southeastern section of the municipality. The southeastern section was considered to be prime farmland, which, prior to the revolution, was largely controlled by the terratenientes. The one sector that the Sandinista government was unable to control was the northern and western zones. These areas were inhabited by the poor peasants, and later served as a prime base for Contra guerrillas, due to the rough hilly and mountainous terrain. This area was largely out of reach for government officials and therefore primarily controlled by the Contra forces.

It is equally important to note how the Sandinistas were able to overthrow the Somoza dictatorship. Horton identifies the "Liberation Theology" (Pg 66) as a key mobilizing force for several dozen peasants, to move from a "passive acceptance to active agents" in their quest to have a larger say in their governance. These religious prompted efforts, which also took place in urban areas of Nicaragua , were the beginnings of an awakening of the peasants on political issues. The finqueros were not satisfied with the Somoza regime as they felt that they were not afforded the same political latitude as the terratenientes. Political appointments (even local ones) were given to the elites. This tended to alienate the finqueros who also felt repressed. This is important to note because these finqueros had the ability to recruit those peasants that they had developed paternalistic ties with. By the mid-70s, the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN), or Sandinista National Liberation Front had come to being. The FSLN was able to establish a number of base camps in the mountainous region and relied on covert recruitment in order to establish support networks. Their overall goal was to overthrow the Somoza regiem and establish a communist state. What they were able to capitalize on was the promotion of programs and land targeting the poor. With land in demand and promises of land redistribution to the poor, coupled with their efforts at recruiting a multi-class base of support both in the urban and rural areas eventually would swing the balance of power to the Sandinistas. With a large number of the populace, which viewed the current dictatorship as being corrupt and repressive, and without an alternative political avenue, the Sandinistas were able to capitalize on this void to fuel their insurgency. Soon general strikes and uprisings would occur. Sandanista guerrilla attacks and ambushes in the northern mountains would draw away National Guard forces from urban areas. On 17 July 17, President Somoza repotedly fled the country and the National Guard had collapsed (pg 75). The Sandinista insurgency had proven successful and they assumed control of Nicaragua.

What the people of Nicaragua were soon to find out was that many of the promises made by the Sandinistas were only in part true. The Sandinistas, looking to apply the principles of a communist state, established several government programs such as health projects, literacy programs and rural credit. While these programs and activities were important, especially giving rural credit to peasants, it does not seem to be as important as the promises of land to all. Many of the peasants thought that due to the revolution they would benefit materialistically. With the exceptions noted above this would not be so. One of the side effects of the revolution was the advances in political knowledge and expectations the peasants had gained. The Sandinistas had to grapple with was the land issue. They opted to establish state farms (collectives) in some cases, while in others they allowed certain supporters to continue to hold their own land. In my opinion no matter what action the Sandinistas in regards to land reform they would inevitably alienated a section of the population. A population that had very strong beliefs towards land ownership.

In the case of Quilali, some of the populace were further alienated for a few reasons. First, the method of land redistribution was seen as being unjust. It was seen as although some may benefit from the redistribution, inevitably someone would lose because of it. In a community with close paternalistic-clientistic relationships, essentially the government was viewed as robbing peter to pay paul. Secondly, Certain supporters, ex-combatants, of the Sandinistas felt they should be better rewarded for their service to the Sandinistas. Thirdly, some members felt deceived when they discovered that the Sandinista political goal was not democracy, but communism. Lastly, as Horton states, "…finqueros were disgruntled with a government that paid them low pices for their export crops, displaced them in commerce, and was unable to ensure the adequate and timely supply of agricultural inputs." For these reasons we find the formation of the first counter-revolutionary force, the Anti-Sandinista Popular Militia (Milicia Popular Anti-Sandinista, MILPA).

The MILPAs were initially a group of finquero sons who, in 180, launched its first attack on the town of Quilali (pg 6). Other ex-Sandinista guerrillas were soon to join the cause as they were discontent with the activities of the Sandinista government . Yet, as Horton states, the rallying cry would be the land expropriations. The MILPAs would eventually attempt to align themselves with political opposition leaders, but were unsuccessful. The MILPA guerrillas, eventually would base themselves in the mountains and was headed up by Pedro Joaquin Gonzalez. Unable to find additional allies, MILPA leaders headed to the Honduras where they sought out ex-National Guard who had taken refuge there. Although the MILPAs were not pro-Somoza, both parties had a mutual interest in ousting the Sandinistas. Under their current composition, the MILPAs were able to recruit guerrillas by drawing on the paternalistic ties that the region was so long used to, while their fathers provided logistical support. By joining the ex-National Guardsmen, they would gain access to more manpower and financial support. It was in 181 when the MILPAs integrated with the guardsman in a group called the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (Fuerza Democratica Nicaraguense, FDN, and were called Contras).

Works Cited

Marks, Tom. Making Revolution The Insurgency of the Communist Party of Thailand

and Structural Perspective. Bangkok White Lotus, 14.

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